Thursday, September 27, 2012

Lobbying and Super PACs


This was an inevitable development in campaign finance law; lobbyists are now being tied to Super PACs as explained in this Politico article.[1] It is only natural for lobbyists to try and use every bit of influence that they can muster to advance the causes of their organizations.   Many in the public perceive lobbying as the rough equivalent of influence buying, i.e., lobbyists promise money to congressional members and in exchange those members vote favorably on the lobbyist's cause.   This conception is generally incorrect.  Quid pro quo deals of the kind just mentioned are expressly against the law.   Additionally, the amount of money any one person can give is limited to the indexed campaign finance caps as set by the United States Code and enforced by the Federal Election Commission.  Lobbying in and of itself is a protected right by the Constitution in the First Amendment under the right to petition the government. [2]

More troubling is the notion that lobbyists are attempting to use Super PACs as an implicit threat against the members in Congress.   It is obvious that Super PACs have played a fundamental role in this year’s elections.   Super PACs have spent inordinate amounts of money without having to worry about the same disclosure restrictions or the same funding restrictions because of their independent nature.  Numerous Super PACs have had significant influence in both the primary and the ongoing general elections this year.   Ousted member Silvestre Reyes lost his seat in the last weeks of his primary campaign when the Campaign for Primary Accountability poured over $360,000 of advertising into the race. [3]  With the large amounts of money that Super PACs can utilize against a candidate, it stands to reason that members would be hesitant to deny an audience with a lobbyist who is tied to a Super PAC.    As Super PACs come into their maturity in this and future cycles, it will be interesting to see how these new finance creatures change the landscape of other related activities on Capitol Hill.


[1] I am trying to post more often on this blog rather than putting out long and detailed articles roughly once a month.   This is the first of what I hope becomes at least a weekly update to my blog. 
[2] Granted, when a lobbyist gives to a member the lobbyist generally has access to many more individuals who can also donate maximal amounts of money to a candidate.   For example, Congressman Bilbray has received over $17,000 from one company, but further investigation reveals that the company's lobbyists, and many of its employees have all contributed within the allowable limits.
[3] The Campaign for Primary Accountability, a Super PAC, has promised to spend its money against vulnerable incumbents to make the primary process more competitive.  

Thursday, September 20, 2012

The Political Implications of Voter ID Laws



It is clear that voter ID has become an extremely contentious political issue this cycle.  Numerous republican controlled state legislatures, such as Texas, South Carolina, Ohio, Florida, Virginia, and Pennsylvania have enacted voter ID laws which, to varying degrees, make it difficult for minority and urban voters to vote.   Traditionally these groups of voters overwhelmingly vote for Democrats.    To ignore the clear political implications of voter ID laws would be folly considering the number of people who will decide this election.  Democrats have argued that voter ID laws may affect millions of voters come November 6, while Republicans argue that voting, like so many other franchises, must require various forms of identification to prevent fraud.  This post will sift through the political ramifications of the Voter ID debate in order to provide a better context as to the stakes come this November’s election. 

There are roughly four kinds of voter ID laws according to the National Conference of State Legislatures[1]:

Strict Photo ID laws: These laws require a voter to proffer a valid photo ID prior to casting a traditional ballot.  If the voter does not have the required photo ID then the voter must cast a provisional ballot that may or may not get counted for numerous non topical reasons.[2]  South Carolina, Wisconsin and Pennsylvania are the swing states with these kinds of restrictions.
Strict Non-Photo ID:  In these states failure to provide the proper kind of ID will result in the voter having to cast a provisional ballot.  The distinction between this and the prior category is that the ID does not necessarily have to have a photo of the voter on the ID.   Virginia and Ohio have these kinds of Voter ID laws.
Photo-ID:  These states have laws that require a voter to have a photo-ID but gives the voter alternative methods to cast a regular ballot should the voter fail to bring the proper ID.  For example, in Idaho, failure to bring the proper photo-ID should result in a pollster asking the voter if they want to fill out an affidavit swearing to the proper identity of the voter, allowing the voter to cast a regular ballot without leaving the polling location.   Florida and Michigan have laws like this.
Non-Strict Non-Photo ID:  These laws are the most relaxed voter ID laws in terms of proving a resident’s vote eligibility.  These states do not require photo identification to prove a voter’s eligibility and they also provide alternative methods for voters to cast a regular ballot should the voter fail to bring proper ID.[3]  

Numerous studies argue that potentially millions will be affected by strict photo ID laws and strict non-photo ID laws.  The Brennan Center for Justice, which normally publishes policy papers on voting rights, argues that more than half a million otherwise eligible voters will not be able to access an ID issuing office due to lack of transportation.[4]  The Brennan Center went on to argue that more than 10 million eligible voters live more than 10 miles from a valid ID-issuing office that is open throughout the week.   These numbers from the Brennan Center paint a grim picture showing that millions of Americans could be inconvenienced by new voter ID laws. 

Although the Brennan Center and similar studies suggest that maximally millions of voters can be inconvenienced by the bevy of new voter ID laws, most likely the numbers overstate the claim.   For example, a study of the 2004 election from the Election Assistance Commission found that a small number of people were actually affected by voter ID laws.[5]    People inside states with strict photo ID laws were 2.9% less likely to vote with a stronger effect on those who were less educated.[6]   Considering these numbers the likely number of people who will be affected by the new laws is likely to be small.

Even though the number of people affected by the new voter ID laws will be small, that is not to say that the impact is not significant.   In many of the battle ground states this cycle, elections are likely to be won or lost by very narrow margins.  For this assessment I relied on Nate Silver’s excellent coverage and polling aggregation over at Five Thirty Eight, now run by the New York Times.  His state by state breakdowns for battleground states makes it clear that the projected vote share in all of the battle ground states is around 1%-3%.  Florida is currently projected at .9% vote share difference, Ohio 3.2%, Virginia 2.2%, and Wisconsin just recently breaking 5%.   Of course these numbers have large margins of error and we are still approximately 7 weeks from the election, and these numbers can change.  However those slim margins of discrepancy between President Obama and Governor Romney represent only thousands of votes that will make-up the difference between winning those states electoral votes. 

To put a finer point on it, assuming the projected vote share can be mapped onto the 2008 election cycle’s turnout numbers, those vote shares represent the following number of voters that a candidate could win by in the selected battleground states:  Florida 76,083 voters, Ohio 184,748 voters, Virginia 82,567 voters, and Wisconsin 149,854 voters.  It is clear, if the voter turnout is similar to 2008, that the number of voters that will make up the difference in these battleground states is projected to be razor thin.   Thus, even if voter ID laws only affect a very small minority of people, those effects can wreak havoc in battle ground states where thousands of voters are likely to be the margin of victory for either party’s presidential candidate. 

Given the stakes of the 2012 election and the likelihood that many battleground states are going to be won by thin margins, any efforts to tamp down voter turnout for one party will likely have huge consequences on November 6.  Republican legislatures know how likely the margin of victory will be in their states, and their voter ID laws are one very useful tool to drive down democratic voter turnout.   In elections where only thousands of voters make up the margin of victory, any effort that stops one political party’s voters from voting can have dramatic effects on the overall outcome of an election.  It should be clear, at this point, that the voter ID laws, even with a likely small effect on voters, can have a serious impact on the presidential campaign this year. 


[1] Available at: http://www.ncsl.org/legislatures-elections/elections/voter-id.aspx
[2] See generally Provisional Voting: Fail-Safe Voting or Trapdoor to Disenfranchisement, Sept. 2008.  Available at: http://b.3cdn.net/advancement/1f0cae01ce9968e434_ebm6b67ix.pdf
[3] Some states have voter id laws that do not fit into these categories such as California.  There a voter has to positively state that they are an eligible voter and the voter is allowed to cast a vote, so long as properly registered, on the presumption that the voter is telling the truth.  See Cal. Elec. Code § 2000 (2012); Cal. Elec. Code §§ 14240-253 (2012). 
[4] Gaskins and Iyer; The Challenge of Obtaining Voter Identification, The Brennan Center for Justice, July 29, 2012.  Available at: http://brennan.3cdn.net/f5f28dd844a143d303_i36m6lyhy.pdf
[5] Shelley de Alth, ID at the Polls: Assessing the Impact of Recent State Voter ID Laws on Voter Turnout 3 Harvard Law & Policy Review 185, 193 (2009).  Available at: http://journalistsresource.org/wp-content/uploads/2011/09/Voter-ID-and-Turnout.pdf
[6] Timothy Vercellotti & David Andersen, Protecting the Franchise, or Restricting It? The Effects of Voter Identification Requirements on Turnout (Aug. 2006) available at: http://www.eagleton.rutgers.edu/research/documents/VoterID_Turnout.pdf